What are the rules of UNITE?

I've had quite a few people asking me this question, and there seems to be a lot of confusion around.

At the moment, UNITE is balloting members on whether they accept the proposed new rules of the union. If accepted, the new rules would come into force from 1st November 2008.

Until the new rules are adopted, the rules are made up of four documents.

At the top level, there is the instrument of amalgamation and general rules that members voted on when they approved the merger.

Underneath these two documents sit the old Amicus and TGWU rulebooks, which form the rules of the two sections of the union. These are subsidiary to the instrument of amalgamation and general rules and only apply in so far as they don't conflict with them.

If you want to understand the process of merger, it's well worth looking at the timeline.

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National Shop Stewards Network conference

I took part in the National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) conference yesterday, which I felt was another useful step in getting union activists together to exchange news and ideas, build links and promote solidarity. I helped run a workshop on organising in the workplace, which had a particular emphasis on young workers.

The anger and gradually increasing confidence over inflation and pay was very apparent, as was the enthusiasm for united action across different unions.

It was also clear that employers in public and private sector alike are trying to victimise good union reps - shooting the messenger rather than dealing with the issues. It is vital that there is a robust response to victimisation because that is the only way to stop it. Though the law bans victimisation for union activity, employers are not obliged to implement tribunal orders for reinstatement, and can merely pay compensation instead. It is a disgrace that this legal position continues after so many years of a supposedly Labour government. There's also a second reason why a robust response is important. Whether or not we are successful in stopping the victimisation, we can prevent it leaving union organisation in tatters. The purpose of victimisation is to smash the union - strong resistance (as in the case of Karen Reissmann) can leave the union strong even though she still isn't reinstated yet.

The frustration with New Labour and lack of an effective political voice for working people was also a recurring theme.

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Pay, Shell and the Government

As a movement, we aren't very good at celebrating our successes. So let's say it clearly - the outcome of the Shell dispute is a victory.

At a time when most workers are feeling the pinch, what we need is hope. A clear and public demonstration that union action is an effective way of increasing our wages is long overdue. Congratulations to those involved.

As an issue, it's clear that pay is becoming more and more important, with RPI rising by 4.3% and lower paid workers (who spend a higher proportion of earnings on food and fuel) often experiencing inflation much higher than that.

The government has put itself at the centre of the pay debate for some time, by trying to hold down public sector pay on the ludicrous notion that this would hold down inflation, rather than increasing the risk of recession. Alistair Darling now appears to be widening his attack to the private sector as well, calling on us all to accept pay rises far below inflation (around the government's 2% target).

It's a crazy strategy for avoiding recession, and a crazy strategy for a government whose support from working people is melting away. It's good to see Derek Simpson speaking out against it.

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